__Paper __________________________________________________________________

Practical and Theological Implications

for Values and Accountability in Policy Making

Authors:
Donald K. Gates - Macquarie University
Peter Steane - University of Western Sydney

Abstract

This paper examines, in brief, the process of formulating policies before it examines the impact of two cases of recent policy decisions. The first case is in the government sector in the United States and refers to the policy of providing funding to community based, including faith-based, organizations to fund social welfare programmes. The second case, from the private sector, refers to the policies of American financial institutions to engage in subprime lending.

Values and accountability in policymaking are analysed with special regard for various perspectives on and differences in approaches to justice and is illustrated with examples from scripture, history and politics. Its scope includes aspects of individualism and egalitarianism including complex equality.

In the course of our analysis, matters dealing with capitalism and neoclassical economics and economic rationalism are examined, as well as the related rise of individualism and policies emanating from proposals of Friedrich Hayek. Then a theological response to poverty, dominance and inequalities is outlined. Adherence to altruistic Christian teachings will help to resolve the values' tensions faced by policymakers.

1. Introduction

This paper aims to stimulate a theological response to poverty, dominance and inequalities and proposes that adherence to altruistic Christian teachings will help to resolve the values' tensions faced by policymakers . In the process it addresses theological aspects of accountability or responsibility, showing from an historical perspective how people have responded in different ways to the challenges of administering justice in their communities, examining various perspectives on justice and ways in which people have accepted responsibility for their actions. In considering justice issues the authors consider justice to be a collective term that although related to behaviour is conceptual by nature and has a number of forms such as: a) retributive - involving retribution for improper actions on the part of some; b) distributive - involving the proper allocation of goods and services from society to individuals (welfare, education, health, public goods, etc); c) contributive – from an individual to society (legitimate taxes, etc); d) commutative (or exchange) – from individual to individual (fair days wage, etc). Although justice may be a virtue, administration of justice by tyrannical regimes may be oppressive. Not all of these aspects of justice are canvassed in this paper but the authors believe that they may well be the subject of further research.

Social justice action resulting in significant changes in government policy is illustrated through the fight to stop the slave trade in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and to raise the age of consent in Victorian England. In illustrating contemporary international campaigns seeking to end human trafficking and to eliminate other activities that severely and unjustly disadvantage individuals, communities and/or nations, the paper seeks to stimulate policymakers to formulate policies that are altruistic and not driven by their own or their group's self-interests.

Conflicting values are being faced constantly by individual policymakers and this paper identifies them as altruism and egoism, in other words the conflict is between selflessness and selfishness. Such a divergence is manifestly political, as the current Prime Minister of Australia, Kevin Rudd, recognizes as a “ battle between free-market fundamentalism and the social democratic belief that individual reward can be balanced with social responsibility” [1, p. 614] .

Not all economic rationalists or market fundamentalists accept the role of personal responsibility in their so-called market driven freedom. The paper argues a case for government intervention to be directed at a more egalitarian distribution of the world's resources. This argument is illustrated through discussions on questions of social justice, egalitarianism, equality and complex equality and theological responses to poverty, dominance and inequalities.

2. Policy Formation and Impact

Policy changes and implementation are rarely the result of rational decision-making: following theoretical guidelines, outlining policy options and, after choosing between the alternatives, subjecting implementation of the selected option to an evaluation process. Traditional models for policymaking have similarities with scientific models of decision-making based on concepts of rationality [see 2, p.307] . Rather, Porter and Hicks [3, p.1] claim that policy changes occur “through a process of interative interactions among three `streams' of activity: defining the problem, suggesting solutions, and obtaining political consensus”. At the convergence of these streams a “window of opportunity” is suggested and perhaps an alert policy-maker can grasp it as a mechanism for more interative strategies in the process.

Just as decision-making can be based on the notion of rationality and that policymakers, whether in a national cabinet or a private business board, can formulate policies that are rational, or dispassionate, it nevertheless cannot be divorced from ideology and self interest. Hulme [4] claims that in organizational contexts rationality implies “ Adopting a scientific rather than a metaphysical approach to problems”. This is, however, but one side of the equation. Research calls for greater efforts on the effects of political decisions on social policy [5, p.109, see also 6, 7-10] . Such research might include an examination of the basis of social justice in policymaking and its links with the principles of physis and nomos. Predominant Western thought from before Socrates' time had advanced this divide between the natural ( physis) and the artificial ( nomos).

Hong [11] claims that physis might refer to “ human nature and material nature” whereas concepts and norms such as “artifice, convention … or legislation” might be regarded as nomos [11, p. 613] . Many social scientists have either persisted with this dichotomy between the natural and the artificial or linked it closely with “ the notion of the natural law which lays the foundations for the social sciences and economics” [11, pp.613-614, see also 12, pp.107-108, 13, pp.1-23, 14, pp. 255-256] . Meikle [15] proposes that this dichotomy was so engrained in economic thought that it departed from “most value theories of the nineteenth century ” [11, p. 614] . However Hong argued that diverse political scientists, such as Marx and Hayek, rejected this dichotomy and proposed economic policies in which the socially natural was the central component [11, p.633] .

3. Changes in Government Policies

On the programme front, changes in government policies often have a longstanding impact on the very societies in which the new policies apply. For instance, Fording and Berry [16] claim that the ambitious social policy initiative of the `war' on poverty, in the United States during the 1960s, has had a most controversial impact upon American Society because of “the dramatic expansion of public assistance programs for the able-bodied poor and their children” [16, p.37] . Some significant changes to welfare policy occurred during Bill Clinton's Presidential Term. Sosin and Smith [17] cite the Charitable Choice Amendment of the 1996 Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) legislation as an example of more recent policy changes. This enabled the federal government, despite the constitutional provision for the separation of Church and State, to provide funding so that “sectarian congregations and agencies” could access such funds but still retain “their religious character” [17, p.533] . Immediately upon taking office President George Bush established the White House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives and this “generally encourages an enhanced role of religious providers in service delivery” [17, p.533] . By 2004 at least 10 federal agencies promoted the delivery of services by religious organizations. This new policy suggests, as Cnaan et al [18] argue, “care for the neediest members of our society will be encouraged to come from local-based organizations…” [18, p.6, see also 19, 20-25] . Church Congregations, some for the first time, were now in a financial position to engage in significant welfare activities in their local area.

In the example of The Salvation Army again White [29, pp.7-8] indicates that, for the fifteen southern states and the District of Columbia [see 28, p.271] , the Social Services Department reviews about US$90million worth of government contracts each year comprising “about fifteen hundred contracts for residential housing or temporary shelter or feeding programs or after school programs – a variety of things from youth to adults to homeless to senior citizens”. White is careful to ensure that even for admission to and participation in these programmes, the contracts do not require that religious symbols be removed from buildings or that clients are prohibited from accessing Church Services. Where such stipulations are included in the contracts the offer of funding for the programme is declined.

4. Problems with Corporation Policies

Another significant policy adopted by banks and other financial institutions is to engage in subprime lending (also known as B-paper, near prime or second chance lending). This involves lending people, with a deficient credit history, loans at a greater than the best market interest rates. This type of lending is very risky for lenders and for borrowers alike because of the poor credit history and the high interest rates for purchases involving homes, cars and credit card use. It is also very controversial because of accusations against subprime lenders that they engage in predatory lending because they deliberately lend to people with little chance of fulfilling the conditions of their loans culminating in borrower default, the seizure of collateral and foreclosure. An expansion on the controversy surrounding subprime lending occurred as a result of an ongoing financial lending and credit crisis that began in the United States in 2006 and continued into 2007. The subprime crisis erupted in the Northern Hemisphere fall of 2007. The problem in the United States financial markets spread to those of most other countries around the world and the phenomenon of financial contagion is said to have occurred [30] .

The repercussions of the subprime are continually being reported in the business media around the world. For instance Ryan [31] spoke about a deepening of the crisis when Countrywide, America's biggest mortgage provider, released its quarterly profits and warned that the problem had spread to higher quality `prime home borrowers'. A week later he forecast that Macquarie Bank could be affected by the subprime crisis [32] . About the same time Nason [33] reported, in The Australian , that Mark Zandi, Chief Economist and cofounder of Moody's Economy.com, had warned that “ the pre-conditions for global shock were in place and `one or two Bears Stearns events' could have a profound psychological impact on investor confidence” [see 34, 35-38] . The fifth-largest securities firm in the US , Bears Stearns had announced prior to this report that there was very little value in two of its mortgage investments funds that had been worth about US$1.5billion. According to Bonner [39] , Wall Street firms were being affected by the very subprime mortgage crash they started. More recently a Reuters report in the Guardian in the UK indicated that the German finance minister had advised that whilst the full impact of the subprime crisis impact was unknown, coordinated actions by central banks help to ease immediate problems [40] . Despite this Morgan Stanley Merrill, Lehman and Bear Stearns had losses, so far in 2008, of between 3 and 19 percent on the New York Stock Exchange as a result of concerns that they will be forced to take more write-downs [41] . In the United States , even though the housing crisis hurts people regardless of race or income, minorities are affected disproportionally because coloured people “are more than three times likely to have subprime loans”. Whilst only 17 percent of loans to whites are subprime, these high-cost loans account for 55 percent of loans to blacks. The not-for-profit organization, United for a Fair Economy, estimates that coloured subprime borrowers stand to lose between US$164billion and US$213billion on loans contracted during the last eight years [42] .

Such apparent disastrous outcomes from policies formulated and practised by large financial institutions as well as policy changes in funding arrangements for welfare delivery in the United States highlights the need for policy and decision-makers to be held more accountable. Thus, the next section examines theological aspects of accountability or responsibility.

5. The Theology of Accountability or Responsibility

The creation story provides the basis for the Judeo-Christian belief of humankind being created in God's image and with it dominion over the world [see Genesis 1:28]. With creation, comes the gift and the ability to create wealth, engage in cultivation [Genesis 2:15] and otherwise expand the possibilities of humanity. Thus, mankind is responsible to God for the way these tasks are undertaken [see 43, pp.20-21] . Maciariello [44, p.428] claims that humankind has the role of stewardship over God's creation with a mandate to design management and economic systems to make this delegated task more effective and efficient.

It was the theologian Paul Tillich [45] who claimed that it is not definite when responsibility begins and ends in individual human development even though legally it is considered to be rather late [45, p.47] . T his debate over responsibility and when it emerges is evident in other disciplines, notably psychology and education. The Latin word responere literally means `to be accountable', and often the term `responsibility' and `accountability' are used interchangeably. They imply a developed ability to respond or `give an account' as exemplified in the Biblical story of the Fall [Genesis 3].

Maciariello [44] proposes that the Church has a legitimate role in the issues of business as well as society. He advocates that Christians in business and government can apply the Golden Rule in their decision-making and policymaking [44, p.428] . Earlier C.S. Lewis [46] responded to the claim “ the Church ought to give us a lead”, by saying that this idea is good, if by the Church is meant the whole body of practicing Christians. Lewis thought that if economists, statesmen and others appropriated the principle “Do as you would be done by”, social problems would be solved quickly [46, p.79] .

Although the philosophical term `estrangement' is not a biblical term, it can be applied to humankind's separation or `estrangement' from God and equally applied, symbolically, in “ the expulsion from paradise, in the hostility of brother against brother, in the estrangement of nation from nation through the confusion of language”. Estrangement does appear to be suggested in the many complaints about idol worship the prophets made against the Kings of Israel, Judah and the people, as well as in Paul's writings about man perverting the “image of God into idols” [45, p.52] .

Although estrangement and `sin' are not strictly the same, Tillich [45] employs `estrangement' as a reinterpretation of sin “from a religious point of view”. He claims that “ Paul calls everything sin which does not result from faith, from the unity with God” [45, pp.52-53] . Furthermore, the Augsburg Confession proclaims that:

Since the fall of Adam all men begotten in the natural way are born with sin, … without the fear of God, without trust in God, and with concupiscence, and that this… vice of origin, is truly sin, even now condemning and bringing eternal death upon those not born again … [47, Article II] .

There are many scriptural references concerning the need to be accountable and to accept personal responsibility for actions. For instance Jesus taught about the requirement to be accountable for every careless word uttered [Matthew 12:36]. Parables such as: the unmerciful servant [Matthew 18:21–35]; the tenants [Matthew 21:33–43]; the rich fool [Luke 12:13- 21]; the faithful and wise managers [Luke 12:41-48]; and the ten minas [Luke 19:11-27] all incorporate the concept of accountability. The Apostles Paul [Romans 14:12] and Peter [1 Peter 4:4-5] also wrote about the need to be accountable. Consequently, the idea that the individual person needs to accept responsibility for their own actions and not to accept blame for the misdeeds of others, receives significant treatment in scripture [see Deuteronomy 24:16, Job 19:4, Proverbs 9:12, Jeremiah 31:30, Romans 14:4 and Galatians 6:5]. For example, the prophet Ezekiel wrote:

The soul who sins is the one who will die. The son will not share the guilt of the father, nor will the father share the guilt of the son … the wickedness of the wicked will be charged against him [Ezekiel 18:20 NIV].

In speaking about the obligation for the inescapable necessity ( anagkh, anangke ) of gospel proclamation “ I am compelled to preach. Woe to me if I do not preach the gospel!” [1 Corinthians 9:16 NIV] Paul's theology reveals an acceptance of responsibility. He also speaks about being in debt ( ofeilethz eimi ) to this responsibility in cross-cultural preaching: “I am obligated both to Greeks and non-Greeks, both to the wise and the foolish” [Romans 1:14 NIV] . What these passages do is indicate Paul's accountability or indebtedness to Christ and his mission as he understood it. Possibly this is best exemplified in 1 Corinthians 9:19-23 where he speaks of becoming “all things to all men” in order to spread the gospel and win people for Christ [see also 2 Corinthians 5:11 and 1 Corinthians 9:27; 53, and 54] . Bosch [53, pp.135-138] claims that Paul's writings reveal a sense of accountability that can be extended to all Christian lifestyles. For example, Christians are “to live quietly” and to gain the respect of non-Christians through hospitality and supporting mission projects [1 Thessalonians 4:12]. This indicates that Christian communities should be a liberating force and not become exclusive sects.

This challenge to be a liberating influence stems from Jesus who proclaimed a message of liberation in the synagogue in Nazareth [see Luke 4:18-19 and Isaiah 61:1-3]. In contrast to earlier liberation theologies, Bosch [53] claims that late twentieth century liberation theologians tended to be very naively religious or even biblical. He cites Frostin [55] who claims “ liberation theology… is theology `from below'. It is counter-hegemonic” [see 53, p.439, 55] . Liberation theologians have often been accused of surrendering to Marxist ideologies, possibly because they reject capitalism [53, p.440] . However, in another sense, Liberation theologians have taken the practice of Christianity into a new dimension, as Marx did when calling it “the opium of the people”. Nor can Christianity be taken as a mere environment for critique, for “it has become an active commitment to liberation” [see 56, p.7, 57] . All of this indicates that Christianity, generally, has a responsibility for continuing the task Jesus proclaimed in the Synagogue in Nazareth .

Gallhofer and Haslam [58] consider that “theology and religion can … aid the oppressed in their struggles for a better life” [58, p.383] . Liberation theology provides positive “ inspiration, hope and insight for emancipatory and liberatory struggle ” for those who engage with it [58, p.384] . Thus liberation theologians generally tend to provide a cause-motivated compassion when engaging with the oppressed. Such an emancipatory engagement involves “emotion and compassion' or a ‘suffering' with those” whose emancipation is sought [58, p.384] . How this is manifested in practice is a little different. Historically, people have responded in different ways to the challenges of administering justice in their communities. The next section examines various perspectives on justice and ways in which people have accepted responsibility for their actions.

6. Some Biblical, Historical, Political and Social Perspectives of Justice

The word, ` justice', is not used many times in the Bible. David ruled in a just manner [2 Samuel 8:15 & 1 Chronicles 18:14] and his son Absalom schemed to become a judge [2 Samuel 15: 4] . There are other references in Isaiah's forecast of the Messiah's birth [Isaiah 9:7] as well as elsewhere in Isaiah, Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Jeremiah and Ezekiel. There are three references to retributive justice in the New Testament, two in Acts and one in Jude. Micah entreated people to accept responsibility for their actions by acting justly, loving mercy and walking humbly with their God [Micah 6:8].

Psalms and Proverbs place justice at God's right hand. Proverbs indicates that the Lord is responsible for the provision of honest scales, balances and weights [Proverbs 16:11] and David wrote: “ The Lord works righteousness and justice to all the oppressed” [Psalm 103:6 NIV]. The Bible sometimes calls upon God's people to adopt right or just practices [Deuteronomy 16:20], advocate and defend the position of the less able and the orphans and safeguard what is due to the poor and the maligned [Psalm 13:7], pay debts including taxes [Romans 13:7], and to treat employees justly [Colossians 4:1].

Overall, a response to these calls would be altruistic if responders disregarded self-interest and sought only to benefit others. The two key themes in these biblical exhortations are: that adherence to some of them incorporates the promise of material and spiritual rewards, and that there is some divergence among proponents of altruism as to what truly constitutes an altruistic act. Oliner and Oliner [59, p.5] outline a continuum illustrating the wide differences in the degree of selflessness and the types of motivators used by people engaging in acts regarded as altruistic. The types of just and altruistic acts bringing spiritual rewards include removing injustices, freeing the oppressed, feeding the hungry, accommodating wanderers, and clothing the naked without abrogating family responsibilities [Isaiah 58:6-7]. Those who undertook these actions were promised similar blessings to those outlined by Job's friend and by the Psalmist [see Isaiah 58:6-7, Job 11:17 as well as Psalms 91 and 121].

Despite Bosch's [53] claim that, “t he relationship between the evangelistic and the societal dimensions of the Christian mission constitutes one of the thorniest areas in theology and practice of mission” [53, pp.400-401] , the gospels have inspired some good social reforms, especially in nineteenth century Britain and America [60, pp.6-8] . This was no doubt aided by the work of missionaries in Africa and Asia . However, in the early twentieth century, there appeared a reversal trend with the evangelical renunciation of traditional concepts of social responsibility. Bosch attributes this renunciation to a struggle against theological liberalism and the evangelical reaction against a so called “social gospel'. Other attributing factors were: widespread pessimism and disillusionment as an aftermath of the First World War; the spread of `post-millennialism' presenting the world as being progressively more evil and thus irredeemable until the second coming of Jesus that was eagerly awaited in evangelical circles. The result was a compromise with culture in the establishment of His millennial reign on earth and the evangelical appeal to middle-class economic aspirations.

7. The Early Christian Period

The pre-Constantine Christian Church was unable to challenge authorities such as Old Testament prophets like Amos and Jeremiah, who railed against Yahweh-professing kings about unjust practices in their kingdoms. These early Christians were unable to address authorities on the basis of a shared faith, which resulted in later generations in the incorrect view that the New Testament was superior to the Old because it was more `spiritual' and less concerned about the `materiality of justice' . Context is an influence in the history of ideas and values and the inherent Christian value of justice tended to be overlooked because, in this new political environment, it might have been expressed differently than in Old Testament times [53, p.401] .

Eventually, Christianity was legally recognized as a religion during the reign of Constantine and it also assumed “ spiritual leadership of the vast and powerful empire” [61, p.91] . Arguably, this new situation could have compromised issues of social justice as Christian leaders were considered either non-discerning for criticizing authorities for unjust practices, or they were otherwise prevented from expressing such criticisms .

8. The Enlightenment

During ` the Enlightenment' period, the prevailing line of thinking was that human reason could challenge ignorance, superstition, and tyranny and a thorough distinction between the field of facts and the field of ideas came into vogue [62, p.1] . `Facts' allocated to the public arena included those referring to politics and the state. Religion and morals became part of the private arena. The breaking of the link between Church and state prevented the Church from appealing “ to the state on the basis of a shared faith commitment”. With the external ministry of the Church limited to a restricted form of benevolence or developing its evangelistic and pastoral work, challenges to societal injustices did not receive favourable responses from the political rulers. There were some attempts by bishops from the `established' Church to `intervene' in politics but these were considered merely as indicators of the Church's attempts to cross the defined boundaries separating the role of the Church from the role of the state. Much of the close Church-state relationships of the twentieth century resulted from attempts to redefine these boundary lines [53, pp.401-402] .

9. Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries

The 18 th century was characterized by both beauty and ugliness. While it was an age of inspiring ideals, art and great Christian heroes; it was also a time of brutish torture of animals in the name of sport, African slavery, savage penal codes and prison systems, political bribery and corruption, “ ecclesiastical arrogance and truculence”. So much so – in the case of Britain – it was mused the “British people were perhaps as deeply degraded and debauched as any people in Christendom” [and 60, pp.2-3, 63] . However, during this time Christian heroes, such as, John and Charles Wesley engaged in leading an evangelical revival that “ did more to transfigure the moral character of the general populace, than any other movement British history can record” [and 60, pp.2-3, see 63, pp.316,327 and 405] .

As well as proclaiming the gospel Wesley accepted some responsibility for the social malaise of his day and, as an inspired predictor of social justice issues, he was regarded as “the man who restored to a nation its soul” [63, p.316] . John Wesley preached about the love of Christ for a forgiven sinner that “ constrains him to love every child of God” [53, p.258, and 64, p.99] . From this time on, things began to change. By the end of the 19 th century, slavery was abolished; work conditions in factories and mines improved and the trade union movement commenced; the poor gained access to education and the prison system became more humane [60, p.3] .

There were some aristocratic Christians in London who combined evangelical leadership with social activism and generous philanthropy. John Venn and William Wilberforce were instrumental in forming a group, called `the Clapham Sect', that sprang from a concern for the abolition of slavery. They liaised with and were supported by Wesley and were largely responsible for:

The first settlement of freed slaves in Sierra Leone (1787), the abolition of the trade (1807), the registration of slaves in colonies (1820), which put an end to slave smuggling, and finally their emancipation (1833) [60, p.3] .

This period reveals many who see social justice as the key motivation to engage in altruistic acts. Advocates like Wilberforce engaged in a long struggle to rectify numerous evils affecting the lives of defenceless people [see 65] .

10. Darkest England

Late in the nineteenth century, William Booth and his Salvation Army became strong advocates for justice on a number of fronts. In the Preface to his classic `In Darkest England and the Way Out', William Booth wrote about his ` hope for the permanent deliverance of mankind from misery' [66] . He used the metaphor of Stanley 's theme of `Darkest Africa ' to characterise what gripped the civilized world in 1890. Booth likened daily occurrences on the streets of London to the situation in Africa, where a `Darkest England ' ruled. He claimed `urgency' for the lost, the outcast and the disinherited who comprised `Darkest England' who he characterised as those who would die within a month if they relied solely on their own incomes and those who would not obtain as much food as allocated to `the worst criminals' in prison [66, pp.25-27] . It was the influence of Booth's 1890 epic that initiated a revival of the expressions of social justice.

11. Contemporary Social justice Concerns

Similar problems exist today and efforts to address them sometimes are opposed by powerful political and business organisations. For instance, a Sydney council called for welfare agencies to refrain from providing blankets and food for homeless people sleeping in parks because this made the parks “unavailable to rate payers”. The local MLA claimed that the anti-social behaviour included: “ public urination, defecation and copulation, open drug dealing and harassment” [67] . The council did not appear to have a long-term solution to the problem thus suggesting a modern day Wilberforce or Booth is needed to campaign for justice.

Other modern equivalents of the above situations include large-scale kidnappings of Eastern European women for human trafficking by criminals soliciting victims with street posters promising jobs in Western Europe . After their marketability deteriorates they are relegated to street corners [68] . It is also a cause of contention in many other countries and regions, for instance in Latin America [see 28, pp.163-164] , and even c ountries like Australia are not immune from human trafficking. For instance, Thai girls under the threat of prosecution and deportation are contracted to pay for their passports and visas by performing $35,000 worth of sexual services [69] . Another example concerns young children being set to work for extremely low wages particularly in under-developed countries [see 70, and 71] .

12. Campaigning for Social Justice

Historically these issues were addressed by media campaigns such as one, outlined by Eckley [72] and others and known as the Maiden Tribute Campaign by William Stead and his Pall Mall Gazette [see 73 for an example of his journalism] , that culminated in the eventual raising of the age of consent in Victorian England. Such a result heartens organizations, among mainstream churches and secular NGOs, for example The Salvation Army [see 74] , who have accepted the challenge and are engaged in contemporary international campaigns against human trafficking and other justice issues.

Such exploitation of defenceless human beings might not be regarded as fair and just except by sex trade entrepreneurs and some economic rationalists. Even though it does not satisfy accountability guidelines suggested in the benchmark parables of the Good Samaritan and the Sheep and the Goats, or altruistic criteria, it does suggest that an examination of conflicting values and their affect on policymaking is needed.

13. A Conflict of Values

The apparent conflict of values facing individual policymakers can be identified as a battle between altruism and egoism or between selflessness and selfishness. In December 2006 the then new Leader of the Opposition in Australia – and now Prime Minister - upon reflecting on a cultural war that had arisen likened this conflict to a battle for ideas, “ the battle between free-market fundamentalism and the social democratic belief that individual reward can be balanced with social responsibility” [1] .

In line with Thomas Aquinas' philosophies on justice as being social and egalitarian [see 75] , the major forms of the more contemporary liberation theology transcend both sacralism and secularism and encompass: unjust distribution of goods and services; oppression of women, the elderly and children; repression of non-dominant races and ethnic groups; exploitation of the ecology in which human nature is embedded; and injustices resulting from the violent use of power as expressed in militarism [76] .

If such concepts are accepted, executives formulating a liberation theological approach to policies relating to the above issues should seek responsible solutions that more than immunise the target social group against the affect of secularisation [see 77, p.5] .

14. Individualism

Liberal political theorists tend to justify liberal practices by appealing to pluralistic ideals to justify individual rights and subsequent absence from state interference in their personal choices [78, p.141] . This concept of individualism was outlined in Weber's analysis of ` The Protestant Work Ethic' [see 79] . The ideology was based on the Calvinist doctrine of predestination and the idea that people could be included among `the chosen' by engaging in unremitting work in a worldly calling. By accumulating money and wealth and not pursuing worldly enjoyments unduly they believed that they obtained favour in the sight of God [80, p.124] .

It can be argued that one of the sources of neo-liberal economics rests with the nineteenth century philosopher, William Stanley Jevons, who wrote his Theory of Political Economy in 1871. This expanded on the themes of his earlier 1866 paper and launched the Marginalist Revolution in the process.  He began by outlining the principle of diminishing marginal utility and showed how it governed individual choice via the equimarginal principle [see 81] . The Classic Economic Model was concerned with the dynamics of growth through an ever increasing division and specialization of labour whilst the Neo-Classical or Marginalist Economists assumed fixed inputs and technology in their comparative statics focus [82] . Blaug [83] claims that, in contrast with classical economics, concern for growth in the Marginalist Revolution enabled economics to become “the science that studies the relationship between given ends and given scarce means that have alternative uses for the achievement of those ends” [83, p.278] . In an equilibrium condition a consumer will be satisfied to spend his income on various priced goods so as to make his well-being, or utility, as well off as possible. Samuelson et al [84] claim that people arrange their consumption of goods to bring them a marginal utility that is exactly proportional to their prices. Thus “ the proportionality of marginal utilities to prices means that for different goods there must be exact equality among the ratios of their marginal utilities to their prices” [84, p.471, see also 85, pp.127-130, 86, pp.419,427-429,598n]. The concept of individualism was further expanded by Friedrich Hayek who believed that central economic planning embodied in socialism could lead to totalitarianism. He argued that the efficient use and exchange of resources could only be sustained by the utilization of price mechanisms in free markets. He considered that the main role of the state was to maintain the rule of law with as little intervention as possible. To Hayek, socialism's concept and goal of distributive justice cannot be reconciled with the rule of law or with freedom under the law, the security of which is a purpose of that law [see 87, p.86] . Hayek also held moral values shaped by theses neo-liberal concepts which are described by McKnight as follows:

Those attitudes that are necessary for, and developed within, the market … These concern rules about private property, honesty, contract, exchange, trade, competition, gain and privacy. These are what Hayek understands by moral rules [see 1, p.48, 88] .

Rudd claims that Hayek attacked the ‘ atavism of social justice' in a lecture at Sydney University in 1976. Hayek argued that “ notions of moral obligations were hangovers from an earlier evolutionary period”. His ideas were propagated by the English Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher [1, p.49] in the reformist agenda identified with her administration. An alternative view to Hayek's is that of Walzer [89] who argued that distributive justice is not only related to ‘having' but also to `being' and `doing'. Likewise it is not only linked with useage of goods and services but also with the way these are produced. This links the possession of goods, land or capital to the individual person [89, p.3] .

Hayek [87] was emphatic about a social order in which the freedom of the individual is only restricted by general rules of what he considered just conduct. If organizations direct individuals to follow a single system of ends then the social order is not market spontaneity but the organizations' [87p.85] . But Walzer [89] has another view that the struggle against capitalism and the tyranny of money has led to the rise of egalitarian politics, particularly in contemporary America where it has met with some resistance. It has not been power itself that has been resisted but the power of property. Just as tyrannical government policymakers need to have their power balanced with the power of money so there is a propensity for tyrannical capitalists to arise if strong government does not provide a balance for their wealth [89, pp.316-317] . Galbraith developed this concept into his theory of `countervailing powers' [90, Chapter 9, see 91] .

Novak, a Catholic social theorist of the American Enterprise Institute, proposes that the `ideals and system' of democratic capitalism are praise-worthy and argues that socialism has failed [see 94, and 95, p.10] . The purpose of his book was:

to defend democratic capitalism from the utopian challenge of socialism; to demonstrate that democratic capitalism's principles are not only practical, but that, even in the abstract, they are superior to the socialist vision; to provide a theoretical framework for democratic capitalism; to persuade theologians and others that the values of democratic capitalism are not only consistent with, but supportive of those of Christianity; and to begin the construction of a theology of capitalism [95, pp.9-10] .

If the above statements are true, this suggests that theologians may need to provide more answers to the apparent inequalities in the world resulting from capitalistic and economic rationalistic policies and practices. This paper aims to stimulate a theological response to poverty, dominance and inequalities and proposes that adherence to altruistic Christian teachings will help to resolve the values' tensions faced by policymakers .

In countries such as the United States social policy advocates have sought to institute social welfare reform. As Silver [96, p. 28] claims this was stimulated by President Bill Clinton's call in 1996 to “end welfare as we know it”. This had followed a significant period of declining support of the poor by the US Federal Government. According to Rogers-Dillon [97, p.7] 6.8 million people had left the welfare rolls between 1993 and 1999. There had been a long standing gulf between liberals and conservatives prior to the 1996 legislation with the liberals focusing on poverty and the well-being of welfare recipients and conservatives being concerned about people becoming dependent on welfare and that “too many recipients will never find their way off; nor will their children” [98, p.16] . Chaves [99] advises that the 1996 Welfare Reform Legislation delegated more responsibility to the states and local governments to institute social welfare policies and programmes and it also “imposed time limits and work requirements on recipients of public support” [99, p.21] . The charitable choice provisions in this legislation opened the way for an expanded involvement of religious organisations “in publicly-funded anti-poverty work” [99, p.21] . Some evangelicals, such as Sherk [100] argue against Christians using government assistance to help the poor. Others – not necessarily Christians – who contribute to journals, such as the `Strike The Root' (STR) daily journal, seek to de-mystify and de-legitimise the State altogether. Some liberals, such as Locke [101] , an STR contributor, partly support their arguments against the welfare state by emphasising, out of context, Paul's warnings against idleness in his statement, “ If a man will not work, he will not eat” [2 Thessalonians 3:10 NIV]. Others, such as the Reverend Robert A. Sirico, claim that the lazy servant in Jesus' Parable of the Talents [Matthew 25:14-30] “ could have avoided his dismal fate by demonstrating more entrepreneurial initiative” [102, p.18] .

Such a conflict of values suggests a great divide between market fundamentalism – neoclassical economics or economic rationalism – and altruism. Even though some, such as Marsland [103] suggest that supporters of the free-market consider markets to be “morally neutral” [103, p.33] . Marsland claims that it is a clash between virtue and socialism. He states:

Virtue is a function of freedom, of which the market is a key component. Socialists are in the business of restricting markets and thus of curtailing freedom. We must choose, therefore between socialism and virtue, between the liberty and morality of capitalism and the slavery and amoralism of state domination, between the programmed condition of mere ants and a life of freedom and personal responsibility as human beings [103, p.38, see also 104] .

The writers of this paper suggest that not all economic rationalists or market fundamentalists have accepted the personal responsibility that the so-called freedom attributed to the market implies. If they did we suggest there would not be so much disparity between the income levels of individuals within individual countries and throughout the world. Thus we contend there might be a case for government intervention to distribute wealth, more evenly, between individuals, communities and nations through taxation and international aid [see 105, pp.344-347] .

15. Adam Smith's Concepts of Justice

In the eighteenth century, Adam Smith spoke of an ` Invisible Hand ' guiding people who pursue their own self-interest whilst making myriads of decisions that benefited the whole society [see 106, p.1, and 107] . Smith was a Professor of Moral Philosophy at Edinburgh University , and was a real founding force in establishing the economic language of `transactions' from which he was somewhat inspired by the guild systems of Europe . In summary, Smith considered that property was `an acquired perfect right' [108, p.31] and isolated questions about social (or distributive) justice in his theories. Concern with the protection from injury by another party was incorporated in his concept of commutative justice. The exclusion of distributive justice from his theories, despite oppressive inequality generated by a commercial society, held the proviso that the needs of the poor should be accommodated adequately [108, p.23] . The application of the social justice concepts of `charity and generosity' was assessed on individual and/or `merit' based criteria [106, p.1] .

16. Egalitarianism, Equality and Complex Equality!

Theoretically, individualism should provide a framework for individual altruistic acts towards the disadvantaged of society. While a number of wealthy people do make some significant contributions to charity these fall far short of the needs of a troubled world. For example, less than a quarter of US development aid goes to the poorest nations in the world and the remainder is directed at countries that best suit US strategic interests [109] .

Boosted by tsunami donations of AUD$380 million, individual donations to non-government overseas aid amounted to AUD$872 million in 2005. This placed Australia in fifth place on the Centre for Global Development's index for individuals making donations such as these. Despite this individual giving, more money is spent on chocolates than on helping people in poor countries. As a percentage of GNI only .25% is spent on development assistance as compared with a donor-country average of .47%, placing Australia 19 th of the 22 rich countries in 2005 but little of this went to African countries, which are the poorest in the world [110] .

Egalitarians advocating a notion of simple equality envisage a society in which all members enjoy equal benefits of commodities such as “ property, income, opportunity, rights, resources, capacities, and welfare” [111, p.197] . However, once advocates of this ideal realise it cannot be attained, there seems to be a modifying and redefinition of this ideal, captured in the use of a term such as `equality of resources'. Walzer [89] advances a concept of ‘ complex equality' and focuses on dominance rather than monopoly. In a complex egalitarian society, he envisages situations where many small inequalities exist but are not “ multiplied through the conversion process” to another sphere. Whereas simple equality implies a situation that if person X has a number of a particular item and person Y has the same number of that item then they are equal. In such a situation a simple distribution process operates. Recognising that this was not common in real life, Walzer proposed that equality would occur if dominance in one sphere of justice did not extend across into another sphere [89p.17-18] . Hence, if citizen X is elected to political office over citizen Y he is dominant in the political sphere but X and Y will be equal if dominance does not extend to another sphere.

Walzer's [89] basic argument implies that whereas inequalities are acceptable in one sphere they cannot be cumulative. Accumulation of inequalities can result: in influence in one sphere being used to obtain similar influence in another sphere; and from power positions in more than one different sphere having their genesis in a single common cause. The theory of complex inequalities is designed to eradicate the first position but it does not address the second position explicitly. Walzer implies that this position should not arise but, in the event it does, enough numbers of these people can constitute a dominant ruling class. Given plurality of talents and spheres, processes of exclusion are mitigated effectively and an underclass does not materialise [112] .

17. A Theological Response to Poverty, Dominance and Inequalities

Policymakers endeavouring to provide solutions to poverty in third world countries are faced with numerous moral demands. However, if a dominant position must be taken then it should be altruistic and based on ` agape' love. Tillich wrote:

of justice to acknowledge every being with personal potential as a person, being guided by the divine-human wisdom embodied in moral laws of the past, listening to the concrete situation, and acting courageously on the basis of these principles [113, p.41] .

The Catholic Church's Second Vatican Council, stated that: “ Every man has a right to a share of the earth's goods sufficient for himself and his family” [translation in 114, p.975, 115, §69] . Despite this right and despite the efforts of Christian Churches everywhere, more than 50% of child deaths throughout the world are contributed to by malnutrition. Although many poor countries abound in natural resources and labour, government and multi-national action militates against trading out of poverty. It is a scandal that in the EU and the US , subsidies are paid to their home farmers. These subsidies are effectively protection barriers to trade. Market power increases when domestic markets in the industrialized world are protected by high tariffs so that many consumer goods produced in the poorest countries are unable to compete.

The Pentateuch (first five books of the Bible) recognises that, because of misfortune or unfairness, the goods of the land gravitate to one section of the population whilst another receives insufficient sustenance and may even become debt-slaves. In order that those with abundance could not exploit their situation at the expense of the poor, two main provisions were included in the Law (Torah). Firstly, usury was prohibited. Lending at interest to an Israelite in need was forbidden. Impoverished members of the community were to be lent money and food freely until they were re-established. “If one of your countrymen becomes poor and is unable to support himself among you, help him as you would an alien or a temporary resident, so he can continue to live among you” [Leviticus 25:35 NIV]. Secondly, the periodic cancellation of debts, the release of debt-slaves and the return of property to those who lost it in the hard times was to be undertaken [116, p.41] . This was to occur during the fiftieth year, the year of Jubilee, and was instituted to help abolish poverty; provide a mechanism to abolish slavery, provide some increased leisure for `an agricultural people', and preserve the distinctiveness of families and tribes through the application of the law of entail [117, pp.333-334] .

Ruston cites Thomas Aquinas, who defined `usury' as `taking interest of loan', as commenting that the rule of usury was being universalised for Christians who regard all human beings as their kin. However, usury is now understood to mean ` exorbitant interest' , the kind that drives people to crime and takes food away from children [75, 2a 2ae Q.78, art 1 ad 2, 116, pp.41 & 59] .

18. The Christian Jubilee

Pope Boniface VIII instituted the first Christian Jubilee on 22 February 1300 when he appealed, somewhat vaguely, to the precedent of the past in " Antiquorum fida relatio ", declaring:

that he grants afresh and renews certain `great remissions and indulgences for sins' which are to be obtained `by visiting the city of Rome and the venerable basilica of the Prince of the Apostles' [118] .

Pope Clement VI instituted the second Christian Jubilee in 1350. Since that time there have been a further twenty-six known Christian Jubilees at irregular intervals. These have tended to be joyous events with an emphasis on the remission of sins and universal pardon [see 118] . Pope John Paul II instituted the last jubilee, the Great Jubilee, in 2000 [see 119] .

Today, although many people do endeavour to assist the needy, many others continuing to give precedence to their own self-interests, cleave to exclusive rather than inclusive policies, adhering to the laws of the market rather than laws of equality. As a result they promote leaders who will not thwart their economic and political rationalistic ideologies.

19. Conclusion

In the political arena a battle of ideas is being fought out. These relate to distributive justice, oppression of women and ethnic groups, exploitation of the environment and the violent and inappropriate use of power. They are groups such as the religious right with their belief in individual morality and the social democrats who emphasize issues of social justice. The authors suggest that the whole concept of justice and its various ambiguities be the subject of further research.

The great divide between the rich and poor nations has been examined and a case made for adherence to `fair trade' practises by governments and multi-national organizations and it has been implied that the Levitical practice of jubilee be re-introduced to help mitigate poverty. This would involve debt cancellation and avoidance of usury.

Organizations promoting development and combating poverty in third world countries could well adopt fundamental values proposed by a former Prime Minister of Norway:

The first is respect for life and human dignity, which must underpin our efforts to protect and promote human rights.

The second is stewardship, which must underpin our efforts to safeguard the environment and ensure sound resource management.

The third is compassion and solidarity, which must underpin our efforts to promote justice, social and economic development, both nationally and internationally. We should remember the words of Martin Luther King: `Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere' [120] .

Individual policymakers might well heed Christian Scriptures, particularly the Parables of the Good Samaritan [Luke 10:25-37] and the Sheep and the Goats [Matthew 25:31-46]. Adherence to such teaching reinforces the value of altruism over egoism. The tension between these values remains evident as ambiguities of justice and is persistently identified in scripture and theological teachings in church history. Resolving the tension between these values remains a challenge for policy makers today and suggests that researchers could well examine deeper the notion of hubris as proposed by Tillich and other theologians.

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